Carlos Porter on Nuremberg (PDF ONLY)
Ernst Zündel (extensive bio)
Copyright (c) 1998 - Ingrid A. Rimland
Because of a special project, I have not been watching the news for some ten days or so, and only in passing did someone tell me that the New York Post carried a dramatic front page article a few days ago that Israel is accused of having blackmailed President Clinton with some 30 hours of compromising intercepted Monica Lewinsky tapes.
Specifically, the NY Post had this to say on March 3, 1999:
"Israel blackmailed President Clinton with phone-tapped tapes of his steamy sex talk with Monica Lewinsky, a blockbuster new book charges.
The price Clinton paid for the silence of the Mossad spy agency was calling off an FBI hunt for a top level Israeli mole allegedly installed at the White House.
The allegation appears in "Gideon's Spies - The Secret History of the Mossad," written by respected author Gordon Thomas and due out next week. <end>
My first reaction to that was to think: "And for that, thousands of innocent people had to die in Iraq?" since the underground is teeming with stories that Clinton bombed Iraq to please Israel, in light of these revelations - possibly to save his presidency?
And my second thought was: "This will enormously strengthen the arguments of the nationalist movement in America, since it is all but impossible to close one's eyes to the enormity of repercussion of this alleged Mossad blackmail applied to the mightiest man in the world. This could well be the beginning, not the end, of Zippergate."
Even in Canada this new development was treated as a national news story - prime time! - right after the airing of Monica's tear-jerking Barbara Walters interview was over.
It just so happens that I came upon some fascinating Nuremberg Trial documents, published by a John Mendelson in a book titled "Holocaust." These are the transcripts of the interrogations of Julius Streicher, the much reviled 1920s nationalist leader in Germany and publisher of "Der Stürmer."
The story of Streicher is tragic in that he was hanged at Nuremberg as the only man who was convicted not for what he had done, but for what he had written. The content of these interrogation transcripts is so powerful that I will convert additional excerpts into later ZGrams, but I won't run them back to back.
The point I wish to illustrate today, in part, is the usefulness of studying Jewish-produced Holocaust books, to find documents rarely available to Germans, and to marvel at how eerily the Weimar Republic up to 1933, the early decades of the century, resembles America five minutes to midnight as reflected in Zippergate as this bloody century that gave birth to the Jewish-inspired and Jewish-led Bolshevik Revolution is coming to an end.
In future ZGrams, I will tell more of the nationalist work and the last days of Streicher. Today I want to merely introduce him via these Nuremberg documents to my readers, to show how he met Adolf Hitler and without a moment's hesitation submitted himself and transferred his own political party to Adolf Hitler's leadership.
As you read these transcript excerpts, please keep in mind that virtually all of them were translated by Jewish translators in American unforms and that the translations are tailored so that they fit the aims of the prosecution at the International Nuremberg Tribunal. So take them with a grain of salt and read them with some caution - but even so, they are a remarkable historical record:
Testimony of Julius Streicher, taken at Nürnberg, Germany, on 1 September 1946, at 1410, by Col. Howard A. Brundagem, JASDG. Also present: S/Sgt. Howard M. Levi, Court Reporter and Rudolph Pressburger, Interpreter*
Q: What was your official position, if any, in the Nazi party?
A: I was a Gauleiter.
Q: Were you a member of the Party before you became a Gauleiter?
Q: And when did you join the Party?
A: I believe in 1922. I want to say the following before, that the National Socialist Party was dissolved in 1921, and I officially joined it in 1924. I renewed my membership to the Party. (...)
Q: I understand that you were one of the leaders of the Party in the early days.
Q: Can you tell me what that program was in its essential parts?
A: Yes. Maybe before we write, I want to first make an outline because it came so all of a sudden, I mean the demands. The program was divided into two main parts, the program for the outside, and the rehabilitation of the nation; and the breaking of the Versailles dictates; the rehabilitation of a social, economical order; and the rehabilitation of the working class, and the creation of a sound working system; and the problem of the racial question. Those are the main points. (...)
Q: What about the teaching of the preservation of the lines of the master race?
A: Yes, I wish I could express myself openly.
Q: Well, go ahead.
A: Before the first World War, I belonged to the Young Democratic Party. The leader of the Young Social Democratic Party was a Mr. Cramer, who worked at Kohn's bank in Nuremberg. I have talked very often at the evening meetings of the Young Democratic Party. I didn't know any racial questions at that time. During those discussions, I received opposition from young lawyers who were talking against me. This holds true especially when I talked about nationalistic matters. On my way to Rome, I was warned by this Mr. Cramer that I should express myself in those meetings more carefully, since all those young lawyers were Jewish, and I asked him what the word "Jewish" means.
This Mr. Cramer told me: "Streicher, be careful, the Jews are very mighty." This was the first time that I was conscious of the fact that the Jews are no religion but a race. Between Catholics and Protestants you can differentiate, but you cannot differentiate between Protestants, Catholics and Jews, according to the race. After the first World War I came as an officer from the field, and desired to work again at my old trade. I was a school teacher. Then I saw for the first time the red posters saying that the public should attend the revolutionary meetings. Time and time again I went to those revolutionary meetings, and I was astounded to see that all the speakers were members of the Jewish race. The speakers were inciting the working class and telling them of the good things of former times. I volunteered, last time, for a discussion and took opposition to one of the Jewish speakers. I told the workers that it was unnatural to be led by members of the Jewish race. I told them that it would be unnatural if a member of the Jewish race would go to Palestine and dare speak in a Jewish meeting against their own nation. (...)
Q: Go ahead with your story.
A: This takes place in the spring of 1919. After this speech and this discussion, the whole room applauded me. I went to the next revolutionary assembly of the Communist Party. Everything was prepared so I didn't have to talk any more. I again reported for the discussion. At this time I was torn off the speaker's platform. They spit at me and threw me out of the assembly hall. At that time I decided to hold my own meetings and to enlighten the public. At that time, no one had heard anything about Adolf Hitler. Destin(y) told me to fight for my people, my race. My first assembly meeting in the Hercules Velodrome was crowded. Ten thousand people were standing in front of the assembly hall, and it had to be kept in order by the police. I spoke at this assembly for three hours. I told how the German people were enslaved by the treaty of Versailles, and I said that it is impossible that in all states in Germany, Jews were made ministers. I also declared in this assembly that it is up to the German people to govern themselves. I declared that the Jews as a nation by itself would refuse to be governmed by ministers of English, French or German nationality.
Q: You said "English, French or German"?
A: Nationality. I also declared that if Germany wanted to be free again, the treaty of Versailles has got to be broken, and also the reign of the Jews in Germany. Until the year 1921, I had a big mass meeting in Nuremberg every week. Besides that, I participated several evenings during the week in discussions, in smaller groups. That is how the mass movement of German workers got together in Nuremberg. In the year 1921, a wholesale man from Nuremberg asked me if I had heard speeches of Adolf Hitler. I got interested and went to Munich, to an assembly in the Buergerbrau of Adolf Hitler. At that time I did not know Adolf Hitler. At that time I heard him for the first time at Munich. He spoke for almost three hours. The enthusiasm was enormous. I myself was very enthusiastic. After Adolf Hitler was finished with his speech, I arose and forced myself through the crowd to the speaker's desk. I went towards him and introduced myself. I spoke to him: "Heil Hitler! I heard your speech. I only can be the helper but you are the born leader. Here is my movement in Nuremberg." On that evening I gave the movement which I created in Nuremberg to Adolf Hitler. It carried the name of "National Socialist German Worker's Party."
Thought for the Day:
"The rabbi of the 'Adath Yisrael' synagogue in Cleveland Park, Washington, dedicated his Sabbath sermon to the Jewish cultural and political center now being formed in America. "For the first time in American history," the rabbi said, "we no longer feel we live in the diaspora. The U.S. has no longer a government of Goyim, but an administration in which the Jews are full partners in the decision making at all levels. Perhaps the aspects of the Jewish religious law connected with the term 'government goyim' should be re-examined since it is an outdated term in the U.S."
(Remarks, October 16, 1995)
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